हाल के वर्षों में, बड़े राजनीतिक दलों ने अपने रुख को लेकर साफ-साफ बोलने से परहेज किया है। यह एक बहुत बड़ी भूल थी। म्यूनिख सुरक्षा सम्मेलन में जर्मनी के राष्ट्रपति जोआकिम गाउक ने स्पष्ट बातें कहीं और यह मांग की कि जर्मनी को अंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तर पर और अधिक सक्रिय भूमिका निभानी चाहिए, इस बात का मैंने दिल से स्वागत किया था।
In recent years, the largest parties have shied away from making clear statements about where they stand. That was a huge mistake. I very much welcomed the fact that German President Joachim Gauck spoke clearly at the Munich Security Conference and demanded that Germany become more engaged internationally.
In recent years, the largest parties have shied away from making clear statements about where they stand. That was a huge mistake. I very much welcomed the fact that German President Joachim Gauck spoke clearly at the Munich Security Conference and demanded that Germany become more engaged internationally.
जर्मनी के वामपंथियों को अभी तक यह समझ नहीं आया है कि रूसी राष्ट्रपति व्लादिमीर पुतिन वैचारिक रूप से घरेलू स्तर पर कितने दक्षिणपंथ की ओर झुक चुके हैं। अब समझदार विश्लेषकों का कहना है कि पुतिन एक तरह का प्रतिक्रियावादी अंतरराष्ट्रीय संगठन बनाने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं। जर्मनी के वामपंथियों द्वारा समलैंगिकता के विरोध और धर्मगुरुओं की तरफ इस झुकाव को पूरी तरह नजरअंदाज किया जा रहा है। पुतिन के प्रति उनकी हमदर्दी मुख्य रूप से अमेरिका के प्रति उनकी नफरत से उपजी है। और यही अमेरिका-विरोधी सोच उन्हें सुदूर-दक्षिणपंथियों के साथ जोड़ती है।
German leftists have still not understood the degree to which Russian President Vladimir Putting has drifted to the right domestically. Now, insightful observers are saying that Putin is trying to create something like a reactionary Internationale. The turn toward homophobia and to clerics is completely ignored by leftists in Germany. Their sympathy for Putin comes largely from their antipathy for America. And this anti-Americanism is what binds them with the far-right.
German leftists have still not understood the degree to which Russian President Vladimir Putting has drifted to the right domestically. Now, insightful observers are saying that Putin is trying to create something like a reactionary Internationale. The turn toward homophobia and to clerics is completely ignored by leftists in Germany. Their sympathy for Putin comes largely from their antipathy for America. And this anti-Americanism is what binds them with the far-right.
जर्मनी के लोग अमेरिका के साथ मौत की सजा से लेकर सुरक्षा और स्वतंत्रता के बीच के रिश्ते जैसे कई मुद्दों पर बहस करते हैं। हमें इन मतभेदों को लेकर ईमानदार होना चाहिए। इसके बावजूद, जब भी हमारा अमेरिका से विवाद होता है, तो वह हमारे साझा मूल्यों की अलग-अलग व्याख्याओं को लेकर होने वाले मतभेदों तक ही सीमित रहता है। रूस के बारे में ऐसा नहीं कहा जा सकता। व्लादिमीर पुतिन तो बुनियादी रूप से पश्चिमी मूल्यों पर ही सवाल उठाते हैं।
Germans argue with the Americans about many things, from the death penalty to the relationship between security and freedom. We have to be honest about these differences. And yet, whenever we quarrel with the Americans, it amounts to controversies over different interpretations of values we share. You can't say that about Russia. Vladimir Putin fundamentally questions Western values.
Germans argue with the Americans about many things, from the death penalty to the relationship between security and freedom. We have to be honest about these differences. And yet, whenever we quarrel with the Americans, it amounts to controversies over different interpretations of values we share. You can't say that about Russia. Vladimir Putin fundamentally questions Western values.
यूक्रेन में, नाटो की सदस्यता को लेकर कभी भी आम सहमति नहीं रही है। यहाँ तक कि यूलिया Tymoshenko भी जब प्रधानमंत्री थीं, तो इस पर स्पष्ट रुख अपनाने से बचती थीं। राष्ट्रपति मिखाइल साकाश्विली के नेतृत्व में जॉर्जिया ने काफी आक्रामक रुख अपनाया, जो नाटो की सदस्यता के मार्ग में आड़े आया। रूस के साथ दोनों देशों के विशेष संबंधों को देखते हुए, यह आशंकाएं पूरी तरह जायज थीं कि नाटो की सदस्यता से रूस की यह वाजिब चिंता बढ़ जाती कि उसे घेरा जा रहा है।
In Ukraine, there has never been a consensus behind NATO membership. Even Yulia Tymoshenko was noncommittal when she was still prime minister. Georgia under President Mikhail Saakashvili pursued a rather aggressive stance, which stood in the way of its NATO membership. Given both states' unique relationships with Russia, concerns were justified that NATO membership would trigger Russia's reasonable fears of encirclement.
In Ukraine, there has never been a consensus behind NATO membership. Even Yulia Tymoshenko was noncommittal when she was still prime minister. Georgia under President Mikhail Saakashvili pursued a rather aggressive stance, which stood in the way of its NATO membership. Given both states' unique relationships with Russia, concerns were justified that NATO membership would trigger Russia's reasonable fears of encirclement.
कई मायनों में, पश्चिम एक साझीदार के रूप में रूस पर निर्भर है। पुराने ऐतिहासिक रिश्तों को देखते हुए रूसी भावनाओं का सम्मान करना एक समझदारी भरा और ठोस दृष्टिकोण है।
In many regards, the West is dependent on Russia as a partner. Showing consideration for Russian sensitivities when it comes to old, historical bonds is a reasonable, well-founded approach.
In many regards, the West is dependent on Russia as a partner. Showing consideration for Russian sensitivities when it comes to old, historical bonds is a reasonable, well-founded approach.
जर्मनी इकलौता ऐसा देश नहीं है जिसे उत्तर-वीरतावादी (post-heroic) कहा जा सके। लेकिन पश्चिम के इस आम रुख के मामले में जर्मनी का एक और पहलू भी है - जिसे व्लादिमीर पुतिन ‘भ्रष्ट’ कहेंगे। द्वितीय विश्व युद्ध के बाद लगभग साढ़े चार दशकों तक हमारे पास पूर्ण संप्रभुता नहीं थी। इस दौरान, हम वैश्विक राजनीति के एक कोने में सिमटे रहे। सीमित संप्रभुता का यह अनुभव आज भी अपना असर दिखाता है। आज भी कई Germans इस विचार से हमदर्दी रखते हैं कि जर्मनी यूरोप के बीचों-बीच एक बड़े स्विट्जरलैंड की तरह रह सकता है।
Germany is not the only country that one could call post-heroic. But there is an additional aspect for Germany when it comes to this generally Western stance - one which Vladimir Putin would call decadent. For almost four-and-a-half decades after World War II, we didn't have full sovereignty. During this period, we existed in a niche of global politics. This experience of limited sovereignty continues to have an effect. Many Germans still have sympathy for the idea that Germany can exist as something like a large Switzerland in the middle of Europe.
Germany is not the only country that one could call post-heroic. But there is an additional aspect for Germany when it comes to this generally Western stance - one which Vladimir Putin would call decadent. For almost four-and-a-half decades after World War II, we didn't have full sovereignty. During this period, we existed in a niche of global politics. This experience of limited sovereignty continues to have an effect. Many Germans still have sympathy for the idea that Germany can exist as something like a large Switzerland in the middle of Europe.
व्लादिमीर पुतिन बिना किसी शक के पश्चिमी देशों के गठबंधन में फूट डालने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं। जहाँ तक बाल्टिक देशों में रहने वाले रूसी अल्पसंख्यकों का सवाल है, पुतिन को अच्छी तरह पता होगा कि वहाँ उनकी दाल गलने वाली नहीं है। वे उन देशों में पूरी तरह से संतुष्ट और सुरक्षित हैं। लेकिन इस समय कम से कम तीन ऐसे यूरोपीय संघ के सदस्य देश हैं, जिनके पश्चिमी लोकतंत्रों का हिस्सा बने रहने पर ही सवालिया निशान लगा हुआ है: हंगरी, रोमानिया और बुल्गारिया।
Vladimir Putin is doubtlessly trying to drive a wedge into the Western alliance. When it comes to the Russian minorities in the Baltics, Putin will surely know that his chances there are slim to none. They are quite comfortable in those countries. But at the moment, there are at least three EU member-states where it is questionable whether they still belong among Western democracies: Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria.
Vladimir Putin is doubtlessly trying to drive a wedge into the Western alliance. When it comes to the Russian minorities in the Baltics, Putin will surely know that his chances there are slim to none. They are quite comfortable in those countries. But at the moment, there are at least three EU member-states where it is questionable whether they still belong among Western democracies: Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria.
जब चीन का नव-उभरता हुआ मध्यम वर्ग अपने हितों को समझने लगेगा और कानून के शासन (rule of law) के महत्व को पहचान लेगा, तो वहां की मौजूदा सत्ता संरचना की नींव हिल जाएगी। यह एक ऐसी प्रक्रिया है जिसे कोई भी सरकार लंबे समय तक रोक नहीं सकती। कुछ सीमाओं के साथ यही बात कुछ अरब देशों पर भी लागू होती है। लेकिन हमें धैर्य रखना होगा। 1980 के दशक में किसी ने नहीं सोचा था कि पोलैंड का स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन पूरे पूर्वी ब्लॉक के पतन का कारण बन जाएगा। यही वजह है कि यह सोचना एक बहुत बड़ी भूल होगी कि सत्तावादी व्यवस्थाएं कभी खत्म नहीं हो सकतीं।
When the newly formed middle class in China begins to perceive its interests and discovers the value of the rule of law, the existing power structure will lose its foundation. It is a process that no government can put a stop to in the long term. That also applies to some Arab countries, with some limitations. But we have to be patient. In the 1980s, nobody expected that the freedom movement in Poland would lead to the collapse of entire Eastern Bloc. That's why it would be a huge mistake were we to believe that authoritarian systems were indestructible.
When the newly formed middle class in China begins to perceive its interests and discovers the value of the rule of law, the existing power structure will lose its foundation. It is a process that no government can put a stop to in the long term. That also applies to some Arab countries, with some limitations. But we have to be patient. In the 1980s, nobody expected that the freedom movement in Poland would lead to the collapse of entire Eastern Bloc. That's why it would be a huge mistake were we to believe that authoritarian systems were indestructible.
शीत युद्ध के दौरान, पश्चिमी देशों ने इस बात का खास ख्याल रखा कि अमीर और गरीब के बीच की खाई बहुत ज्यादा न चौड़ी होने पाए, ताकि खासकर पश्चिम में रहने वाली बदहाल जनता के बारे में कम्युनिस्टों द्वारा किए जाने वाले प्रचार का मुंहतोड़ जवाब दिया जा सके। लेकिन आज भी यही बात उतनी ही सच है: यदि पश्चिमी देश बढ़ती सामाजिक असमानताओं को दूर करने के लिए कुछ नहीं करते, तो इससे उनकी अपनी अंदरूनी वैधता खतरे में पड़ जाएगी।
During the Cold War, the West was extremely careful not to allow the gap between the rich and poor to widen too far, first and foremost to counter communist depictions of the squalid masses in the West. But the same remains true today: If the West does nothing about the growing social inequities, it endangers its internal legitimacy.
During the Cold War, the West was extremely careful not to allow the gap between the rich and poor to widen too far, first and foremost to counter communist depictions of the squalid masses in the West. But the same remains true today: If the West does nothing about the growing social inequities, it endangers its internal legitimacy.