ابراہم لنکن کا ذہن اور اظہار انتہائی واضح تھا، اور انہوں نے اسے مزید نکھارنے کے لیے کام کیا — اپنے اوائلِ تیس کی دہائی میں اپنے ذہن کو تربیت دینے کے لیے انہوں نے یوکلیڈ (Euclid) کا مطالعہ کیا۔
Abraham Lincoln had great clarity of mind and expression, and he worked to make it clearer -reading Euclid in his early 30s to train his mind.
Abraham Lincoln had great clarity of mind and expression, and he worked to make it clearer -reading Euclid in his early 30s to train his mind.
جب میں نے 'لنکنز ورچیوز' (Lincoln's Virtues) نامی کتاب شائع کی تو ایک ذہین شخص نے کہا کہ میری اگلی کتاب 'لنکنز وائسس' (Lincoln's Vices) ہونی چاہیے۔ لیکن میری رائے میں وہ ایک مختصر کتاب ہوتی!
After I published a book called Lincoln's Virtues a wit said that my next book should be Lincoln's Vices. But in my opinion that would be a short book!
After I published a book called Lincoln's Virtues a wit said that my next book should be Lincoln's Vices. But in my opinion that would be a short book!
ابراہم لنکن کے بارے میں اکثر پوچھے جانے والے اس سوال کا جواب دینا بہت مشکل ہے کہ وہ کسی موجودہ صورتحال پر کیا ردعمل ظاہر کرتے۔ اس حوالے سے میرا پسندیدہ قصہ یہ ہے کہ چند سال پہلے جب نسلی توازن کے لیے بچوں کو بسوں میں لانے کے معاملے پر تنازع چل رہا تھا تو مرحوم عظیم لنکن اسکالر ڈন فیہر باچر سے پوچھا گیا کہ 'بسنگ' کے بارے میں لنکن کیا کہیں گے؟ انہوں نے کچھ دیر سوچا اور پھر جواب دیا: "لنکن جو کچھ کہیں گے وہ یہ ہوگا: 'بس کیا ہوتی ہے؟'"
It is very hard to answer the oft-posed questions about how Abraham Lincoln would respond to some current condition. My favorite story on that count is that the late great Lincoln scholar Don Fehrebacher was asked, during the struggles over bussing for racial balance a few years ago, what Lincoln would say about "bussing" and he thought awhile and then answered : "what Lincoln would say would be: "What's a bus?"
It is very hard to answer the oft-posed questions about how Abraham Lincoln would respond to some current condition. My favorite story on that count is that the late great Lincoln scholar Don Fehrebacher was asked, during the struggles over bussing for racial balance a few years ago, what Lincoln would say about "bussing" and he thought awhile and then answered : "what Lincoln would say would be: "What's a bus?"
ہاں، کارپوریٹ طاقت کا ابھار خانہ جنگی کے لیے تیاریوں سے جڑا ہوا تھا۔ ابراہم لنکن ایک وِگ (Whig) تھے، جو صنعتوں کو وسعت دینے کے لیے سرکاری امداد کے حامی تھے — ان "اندرونی اصلاحات" کے جو کاروبار کی ترقی میں معاون تھیں۔ وہ ایک ابتدائی سرمایہ دار تھے، نہ کہ وہ جو کسی دیہی جنت کو بچانا چاہتے تھے۔
Yes, the rise in corporate power had roots in the gearing up for the Civil War. Abraham Lincoln was a Whig, a supporter of government aid to expanding industry - to "internal improvements" that supported the growth of business. He was an early capitalist, not one who wanted to preserve some rural paradise.
Yes, the rise in corporate power had roots in the gearing up for the Civil War. Abraham Lincoln was a Whig, a supporter of government aid to expanding industry - to "internal improvements" that supported the growth of business. He was an early capitalist, not one who wanted to preserve some rural paradise.
ابراہم لنکن میں گہرا حقیقت پسندانہ شعور تھا؛ وہ خود کو دھوکہ نہیں دیتے تھے بلکہ جس دنیا سے انہیں واسطہ تھا، اسے ویسا ہی تسلیم کرتے تھے جیسی وہ حقیقت میں تھی۔ اس کے ساتھ ساتھ، ان میں ایک شاندار اخلاقی ذہانت اور اپنے ذہن و ضمیر کے فیصلوں پر پختہ یقین تھا۔
Abraham Lincoln had a deep realism; he did not deceive or mislead himself, but faced the world he had to deal with as it really is. At the same time, he had a striking moral intelligence, and a confidence in the working of his own mind and conscience.
Abraham Lincoln had a deep realism; he did not deceive or mislead himself, but faced the world he had to deal with as it really is. At the same time, he had a striking moral intelligence, and a confidence in the working of his own mind and conscience.
ابراہم لنکن بالکل فلسفی تو نہیں تھے، لیکن ان کا ذہن بہت طاقتور تھا، جو جزئیات کے ساتھ ساتھ کلیات کا بھی متلاشی رہتا تھا۔ ان کی یادداشت کمال کی تھی۔
Abraham Lincoln was not philosopher, exactly. But he did have a strong mind, which sought generalizations as well as particulars. He had a terrific memory.
Abraham Lincoln was not philosopher, exactly. But he did have a strong mind, which sought generalizations as well as particulars. He had a terrific memory.
ابراہم لنکن نے کبھی یہ دعویٰ نہیں کیا کہ ان کے اقدامات کانگریس کی جانچ پڑتال سے بالاتر ہیں؛ اس کے برعکس، انہوں نے خاص طور پر کہا تھا کہ وہ موجودہ دفعات سے آگے بڑھ کر اس توقع کے تحت عمل کر رہے ہیں کہ کانگریس بعد میں اس کی توثیق کر دے گی، اور ایسا ہی ہوا۔ انہوں نے رچرڈ نکسن کی طرح کبھی یہ نہیں کہا کہ اگر صدر کرے تو وہ قانونی ہے۔
Abraham Lincoln did not contend that his actions were immune from Congressional correction; on the contrary, he specifically said he was acting beyond the present provisions in the expectation that congress would retroactively approve, which they did. He did not say anything like Richard Nixon: if the president does it is legal.
Abraham Lincoln did not contend that his actions were immune from Congressional correction; on the contrary, he specifically said he was acting beyond the present provisions in the expectation that congress would retroactively approve, which they did. He did not say anything like Richard Nixon: if the president does it is legal.
ایسی ہنگامی صورتحال کے لیے آئین میں خاص ضابطہ موجود تھا جس کا سامنا ابراہم لنکن کو کرنا پڑا — یعنی بغاوت — جو کسی اور صدر کو پیش نہیں آئی۔
There was specific constitutional provision for emergency measures in the case that Abraham Lincoln faced - an insurrection - which no other president has faced.
There was specific constitutional provision for emergency measures in the case that Abraham Lincoln faced - an insurrection - which no other president has faced.
ابراہم لنکن کو جس صورتحال کا سامنا کرنا پڑا وہ انوکھی تھی۔ ان کے خیال میں، امریکہ کو تباہی، بربادی، تختہ الٹنے اور مٹنے کا خطرہ لاحق تھا — یہ سب الفاظ انہوں نے استعمال کیے — جو کہ کسی اور صدر کے معاملے میں درست نہیں ہے، بشمول موجودہ صدر باراک اوباما کے۔
The situation Abraham Lincoln faced was unique. In his view, the United States was threatened with destruction, ruin, overthrow, perishing - all words that he used - which is not the case for any other president, including the current one - Barack Obama.
The situation Abraham Lincoln faced was unique. In his view, the United States was threatened with destruction, ruin, overthrow, perishing - all words that he used - which is not the case for any other president, including the current one - Barack Obama.
تمام صدور — خاص طور پر جنگی صدور، اور وہ صدور جو مطلق العنان صدارت کی طرف مائل ہوتے ہیں — ابراہم لنکن کا حوالہ دے کر اپنے اقدامات کو درست ثابت کرتے ہیں، لیکن وہ لنکن کے ان سخت اقدامات کے دفاع میں دیے گئے ان تین نکات کو نظر انداز کر دیتے ہیں: ہیبیس کارپس (Habeas Corpus) کی معطلی، ناکہ بندی، کانگریس کی منظوری کے بغیر فوج میں اضافہ، میری لینڈ کے قانون سازوں کی گرفتاری، وغیرہ۔
All presidents - particularly war presidents, presidents inclined to the imperial presidency - invoke Abraham Lincoln as a justification, but they omit these three defenses of Lincoln's strong actions. Suspend habeas, blockade, increase army without congress, arrest Maryland legislators, etc.
All presidents - particularly war presidents, presidents inclined to the imperial presidency - invoke Abraham Lincoln as a justification, but they omit these three defenses of Lincoln's strong actions. Suspend habeas, blockade, increase army without congress, arrest Maryland legislators, etc.
गृहयुद्ध के दौरान अमेरिका के पास अच्छे जनरलों का कोई बड़ा भंडार नहीं था, और जो कुछ थे भी, उनमें से कुछ बागी गुट के साथ चले गए। अगर रॉबर्ट ई. ली अपने देश के साथ रहते, तो कहानी कुछ और ही होती।
The US did not have any big supply of good generals in Civil War, and some it did have went with the rebels. If Robert E.Lee had stayed with his country the story would have been different.
The US did not have any big supply of good generals in Civil War, and some it did have went with the rebels. If Robert E.Lee had stayed with his country the story would have been different.
मुझे नहीं लगता कि आप ऐसे जनरलों को चुनने के लिए अब्राहम लिंकन को दोषी ठहरा सकते हैं जो बाद में सही साबित नहीं हुए, क्योंकि, जैसा कि उन्होंने 1862 के पतझड़ में जॉर्ज बी. मैक्लीलन के पास वापस जाते समय जॉन हे से कहा था, हमें जो उपलब्ध है उसी के साथ काम चलाना होगा।
I do not think you can fault Abraham Lincoln for picking generals that did not work out, because, as he said to John Hay when he went back to George B. McClellan in the fall of 62, we have to work with what we have.
I do not think you can fault Abraham Lincoln for picking generals that did not work out, because, as he said to John Hay when he went back to George B. McClellan in the fall of 62, we have to work with what we have.
मुझसे अक्सर अब्राहम लिंकन की भूलों और कमियों के बारे में पूछा जाता है; उन्होंने यकीनन कुछ गलतियाँ की थीं। राष्ट्रपति लिंकन पुस्तक में मेरा एक अध्याय 'पॉहवाटन प्रकरण' पर है, जो शुरुआती दिनों में एक बहुत बड़ी गड़बड़ी थी — बिल्कुल 'सम्टर प्रकरण' की तरह। लिंकन ने ऐसे कागज़ों पर हस्ताक्षर कर दिए जिन पर उन्हें नहीं करने चाहिए थे, और एक ही जहाज़ को दो अलग-अलग कप्तानों के साथ दो अलग-अलग जगहों पर भेज दिया गया, आदि। गनीमत यह रही कि कोई बड़ा नुकसान नहीं हुआ। लिंकन ने इसकी पूरी ज़िम्मेदारी अपने ऊपर ली और फिर कभी ऐसा कुछ नहीं किया।
I am asked often about Abraham Lincoln's mistakes and faults; he certainly made some mistakes. I have chapter in President Lincoln about the Powhatan affair that was a royal screw-up in the early days - right alongside the Sumter affair. Lincoln signed letters he should not signed, and the ship was sent to two places at one under two captains etc. Fortunately, no great harm. Lincoln took the blame and did not do anything like that again.
I am asked often about Abraham Lincoln's mistakes and faults; he certainly made some mistakes. I have chapter in President Lincoln about the Powhatan affair that was a royal screw-up in the early days - right alongside the Sumter affair. Lincoln signed letters he should not signed, and the ship was sent to two places at one under two captains etc. Fortunately, no great harm. Lincoln took the blame and did not do anything like that again.
जब मैं "अमेरिकन स्क्रिप्चर्स" पर एक एस्पेन सेमिनार में गया — जो डिक्लेरेशन की द्विशताब्दी पर था और जहाँ प्रस्तावना और गेटीसबर्ग एड्रेस समेत कई चीज़ों पर चर्चा हुई, लेकिन लिंकन के दूसरे शपथ ग्रहण भाषण पर नहीं, तो मैंने इस कमी पर सवाल उठाया। इस पर उन्होंने कहा कि इस पर कुछ ढूंढ कर लाओ और मुझे हैरानी हुई कि उस समय इस विषय पर वास्तव में कोई किताब या लंबा लेख मौजूद नहीं था। इसलिए मैंने एक ऐसा लेख लिखा जो इसके साथ न्याय कर सके। हालांकि वह गुमनाम रूप से प्रकाशित हुआ था, लेकिन उस निबंध को बहुत अच्छी प्रतिक्रिया मिली। किसी तरह डेविड डोनाल्ड की नज़र उस पर पड़ गई और उन्होंने अपनी जीवनी के नोट्स में विशेष रूप से उसका उल्लेख किया।
When I went to an Aspen seminar on "American Scriptures" - the bicentennial of the Declaration and they discussed the preamble and the Gettysburg Address and much more, but not Lincoln's Second Inauguration, I challenged that omission and they said find something on it and to my astonishment, at that time, there was no book or long article that really did it. So I wrote one that attempted to do it justice. Although obscurely published, that essay got a nice bounce. Somehow David Donald saw it, and in his notes to his biography singled it out.
When I went to an Aspen seminar on "American Scriptures" - the bicentennial of the Declaration and they discussed the preamble and the Gettysburg Address and much more, but not Lincoln's Second Inauguration, I challenged that omission and they said find something on it and to my astonishment, at that time, there was no book or long article that really did it. So I wrote one that attempted to do it justice. Although obscurely published, that essay got a nice bounce. Somehow David Donald saw it, and in his notes to his biography singled it out.