Freedom Quotes

राज्य आखिर किसे कहते हैं? . . . . . . . वे लोग जो अपने कर्तव्यों को अच्छी तरह जानते हैं, लेकिन साथ ही अपने अधिकारों से भी वाकिफ हैं और पूरी जानकारी के साथ उन्हें बनाए रखने की हिम्मत रखते हैं। . . . . . . . और सर्वोच्च कानून, जो उस राज्य की सामूहिक इच्छा का प्रतीक है, राजा-महाराजाओं और साम्राज्यों से भी ऊपर उठकर, एक साम्राज्ञी की तरह विराजमान रहता है—जो अच्छाई को मुकुट पहनाता है और बुराई का दमन करता है।

What constitutes a state? . . . . . . . Men who their duties know, But know their rights, and knowing, dare maintain. . . . . . . . And sovereign law, that state's collected will, O'er thrones and globes elate, Sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.

What constitutes a state? . . . . . . . Men who their duties know, But know their rights, and knowing, dare maintain. . . . . . . . And sovereign law, that state's collected will, O'er thrones and globes elate, Sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.

एक जज ने इसे संविधान के खिलाफ और असहनीय पाया कि लुईज़ियाना राज्य को 'शिक्षा में धार्मिक मान्यताओं और नैतिक निर्णयों' को शामिल नहीं करना चाहिए।

A judge found it constitutionally intolerable that Louisiana should interject 'religious beliefs and moral judgments into teaching.'

A judge found it constitutionally intolerable that Louisiana should interject 'religious beliefs and moral judgments into teaching.'

जब मैं छोटा था, तो मेरा सपना बेसबॉल खेलने और क्यूबा छोड़ने का था।

When I was a little boy, my dream was to play baseball and leave Cuba.

When I was a little boy, my dream was to play baseball and leave Cuba.

दीर्घकालिक दृष्टिकोण से, मुझे उम्मीद है कि जैसे-जैसे वियतनाम अंतरराष्ट्रीय बाजार से गहरे संबंधों के साथ एक अधिक समृद्ध समाज के रूप में विकसित होगा, वह बाहरी दुनिया को लेकर अपने मन से अंतर्निहित संदेह को छोड़ देगा और हाल ही में थाईलैंड और मलेशिया में हुई प्रगति की तर्ज पर विकास करना शुरू करेगा।

In the longer term, I hope that as Vietnam evolves into a more prosperous society with active ties to the international marketplace, it will lose its inherent suspicion of the outside world and begin to develop along the lines of what has recently been happening in Thailand and Malaysia.

In the longer term, I hope that as Vietnam evolves into a more prosperous society with active ties to the international marketplace, it will lose its inherent suspicion of the outside world and begin to develop along the lines of what has recently been happening in Thailand and Malaysia.

अगर [हो ची मिन्ह] को अपने आंदोलन की पूरी छूट (कार्टे ब्लैंच) होती, तो क्या युद्ध के परिणाम कुछ और होते? यह कहना मुश्किल है। कुछ मामलों में—जैसे 1945 और 1946 में—ऐसा लगा कि उन्होंने इस संभावना को कुछ ज्यादा ही आंक लिया था कि अमेरिका उनकी सरकार और वियतनाम लोकतांत्रिक गणराज्य (DRV) की स्वतंत्रता को मान्यता दे सकता है (हालांकि, निष्पक्षता से कहें तो उन्होंने शुरुआत में ही चेतावनी दी थी कि शीत युद्ध के कारण वाशिंगटन अंततः फ्रांस के साथ जाने का फैसला कर सकता है)।

If [Ho Chi Minh] had had carte blanche over his movement, would the results of the war have been different? That is difficult to say. In some cases - as in 1945 and 1946, he appeared to overestimate the possibility that the United States might decide to recognize his government and the independence of the DRV (although to be fair, from the outset he had warned that Washington might eventually decide to align with the French because of the Cold War).

If [Ho Chi Minh] had had carte blanche over his movement, would the results of the war have been different? That is difficult to say. In some cases - as in 1945 and 1946, he appeared to overestimate the possibility that the United States might decide to recognize his government and the independence of the DRV (although to be fair, from the outset he had warned that Washington might eventually decide to align with the French because of the Cold War).

हो ची मिह अच्छी तरह जानते थे कि दुश्मन के पास उनकी सेना की तुलना में अधिक मारक क्षमता है, इसलिए उन्होंने एक सुसज्जित दुश्मन को हराने के लिए अपने क्रांतिकारी आंदोलन के उस राजनीतिक और नैतिक पक्ष को एक अचूक हथियार के रूप में इस्तेमाल करने की कोशिश की, जिसे वे श्रेष्ठ मानते थे। ये विचार मूल रूप से 1920 और 1930 के दशक में एक क्रांतिकारी के रूप में उनके शुरुआती वर्षों में उपजे थे, और फ्रांसीसी (1946-1954) तथा संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका (1959-1965) के खिलाफ हुए युद्धों के दौरान भी उनके सुझावों को प्रभावित करते रहे।

Ho Chi Minh was well aware that the enemy possessed more firepower than did his own forces, and sought to use what he viewed as the superior political and moral position of his own revolutionary movement as a trump card to defeat a well-armed adversary. These ideas were originally generated during his early years as a revolutionary in the 1920s and 1930s, and continued to influence his recommendations in the wars against the French (1946-1954) and the United States (1959-1965).

Ho Chi Minh was well aware that the enemy possessed more firepower than did his own forces, and sought to use what he viewed as the superior political and moral position of his own revolutionary movement as a trump card to defeat a well-armed adversary. These ideas were originally generated during his early years as a revolutionary in the 1920s and 1930s, and continued to influence his recommendations in the wars against the French (1946-1954) and the United States (1959-1965).

हमने यह विश्वास करना नहीं चुना कि व्यक्तिगत पसंद ही सर्वोच्च मानवीय गुण है। बल्कि, हमें सिखाया गया, ढाला गया, और यह मानने के लिए मजबूर किया गया कि जीवन में इसके अलावा कुछ भी महत्वपूर्ण नहीं है जिसे हमने व्यक्तिगत रूप से चुना है। विडंबना यह है कि यह विश्वास कि जीवन में उस चीज़ के अलावा कुछ भी महत्वपूर्ण नहीं है जिसे हमने व्यक्तिगत रूप से चुना है, एक ऐसा विश्वास है जिसे हमने व्यक्तिगत रूप से नहीं चुना है! सुपरमार्केट और शॉपिंग मॉल हमारे स्कूल रहे हैं।

We did not choose to believe that personal choice is the highest human virtue. Rather, we were taught, formed, forced to believe nothing is important in life other than that which we have personally chosen. The irony is that the belief that nothing is important in life other than that which we have personally chosen is a belief that we have not personally chosen! The supermarket and shopping mall have been our school.

We did not choose to believe that personal choice is the highest human virtue. Rather, we were taught, formed, forced to believe nothing is important in life other than that which we have personally chosen. The irony is that the belief that nothing is important in life other than that which we have personally chosen is a belief that we have not personally chosen! The supermarket and shopping mall have been our school.

व्यक्तिगत आयकर के वर्तमान बोझ के सबसे खतरनाक परिणामों में से एक यह है कि यह मध्यम वर्ग के कई परिवारों को उनकी वित्तीय बचतों से वंचित कर देता है और ऐसा लगता है कि यह समाजवादी चिकित्सा, समाजवादी आवास, समाजवादी भोजन और हर चीज़ के समाजीकरण के अभियानों को बढ़ावा दे रहा है। व्यक्तिगत आयकर ने इंसान को राज्य पर पहले से कहीं अधिक निर्भर और सरकारी खैरात का भूखा बना दिया है। इसने अमेरिका में संतुलन को व्यक्ति-केंद्रित से बदलकर राज्य-केंद्रित आर्थिक और सामाजिक व्यवस्था की ओर मोड़ दिया है

One of the most insidious consequences of the present burden of personal income tax is that it strips many middle class families of financial reserves & seems to lend support to campaigns for socialized medicine, socialized housing, socialized food, socialized every thing. The personal income tax has made the individual vastly more dependent on the State & more avid for state hand-outs. It has shifted the balance in America from an individual-centered to a State-centered economic & social system.

One of the most insidious consequences of the present burden of personal income tax is that it strips many middle class families of financial reserves & seems to lend support to campaigns for socialized medicine, socialized housing, socialized food, socialized every thing. The personal income tax has made the individual vastly more dependent on the State & more avid for state hand-outs. It has shifted the balance in America from an individual-centered to a State-centered economic & social system.

अमेरिकी प्रयोग कोई धर्मतंत्र नहीं है और न ही यह किसी आधिकारिक धर्म की स्थापना करता है, लेकिन संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका का स्वतंत्रता घोषणा-पत्र और संविधान सरकार और मनुष्य की प्रकृति के ईसाई दृष्टिकोण पर आधारित हैं। अगली सहस्राब्दी की चुनौती अपने ईसाई दृष्टिकोण को पुनर्जीवित करके इस अमेरिकी प्रयोग को सुरक्षित रखने की होगी

The American experiment is not a theocracy and does not establish an official religion, but the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States are rooted in a Christian perspective of the nature of government and the nature of man. The challenge of the next millennium will be to preserve the American experiment by restoring its Christian perspective.

The American experiment is not a theocracy and does not establish an official religion, but the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States are rooted in a Christian perspective of the nature of government and the nature of man. The challenge of the next millennium will be to preserve the American experiment by restoring its Christian perspective.

जो धर्म लोगों पर जबरन थोपा जाता है, वह अंततः या तो उदासीनता को जन्म देता है या फिर आक्रोश को। अधिकांश अमेरिकी धार्मिक नेताओं ने यह स्वीकार किया है कि जब बात अपने धार्मिक विचारों को बढ़ावा देने की हो, तो जोर-जबरदस्ती की तुलना में लोगों को समझाना (पर्सुएशन) कहीं अधिक प्रभावशाली होता है। ...इसलिए इसमें कोई आश्चर्य की बात नहीं है कि बड़ी संख्या में धार्मिक नेताओं ने प्रार्थना के फैसलों पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट का समर्थन किया है।

Religion that is imposed upon its recipients turns out to engender either indifference or resentment. Most American religious leaders have recognized that persuasion is far more powerful than coercion when it comes to promoting one's religious views. . . . Not surprisingly, then, large numbers of religious leaders have supported the Supreme Court in its prayer decisions.

Religion that is imposed upon its recipients turns out to engender either indifference or resentment. Most American religious leaders have recognized that persuasion is far more powerful than coercion when it comes to promoting one's religious views. . . . Not surprisingly, then, large numbers of religious leaders have supported the Supreme Court in its prayer decisions.

विरोध की कविता - क्या ऐसी कोई कविता हो सकती है जिस पर सबकी सहमति हो?

Protest poetry -- could there be consensus poetry?

Protest poetry -- could there be consensus poetry?

लाफिएत खुद को शाही परिवार का रक्षक मानता था; जबकि वे (राजा और उनका परिवार) उसे अपना जेलर समझते थे।

Lafayette saw himself as the protector of royalty; they [the king and his family] considered him its gaoler.

Lafayette saw himself as the protector of royalty; they [the king and his family] considered him its gaoler.

मैं तुम्हें सालों से कह रहा हूँ कि अगर उन्हें अपनी मनमानी नहीं मिली, अगर यह सब जो हुआ है उससे वे अपनी विश्व स्तर की तानाशाही समाजवादी सरकार बनाने, अमेरिकी लोगों को निहत्थे करने और अपनी 'न्यू वर्ल्ड ऑर्डर' बनाने में कामयाब नहीं हुए, तो वे किसी परमाणु बम से अमेरिका के किसी शहर को उड़ा देंगे। वे ऐसा करेंगे। मैंने यह बात शायद दो सौ बार कही होगी।

I've been telling you for years that if they don't get their way, if all of this stuff that's happened does not enable them to bring about their world totalitarian socialist government, disarm the American people and create their New World Order, they'll blow up an American city with an atomic bomb. They will do it. I have said it probably a couple of hundred times.

I've been telling you for years that if they don't get their way, if all of this stuff that's happened does not enable them to bring about their world totalitarian socialist government, disarm the American people and create their New World Order, they'll blow up an American city with an atomic bomb. They will do it. I have said it probably a couple of hundred times.

गद्य कविता किसी धुन या संगीत पर आधारित नहीं होती इसलिए इसमें एक अलग ही आज़ादी का अहसास होता है।

Prose poetry is not set to a melody or music so there's something freeing about it.

Prose poetry is not set to a melody or music so there's something freeing about it.

सोनी के लिए मैंने जो फिल्में बनाई हैं, उन्होंने मुझे कभी भी दर्शक वर्ग (क्वाड्रेंट) से जुड़े निर्देश नहीं दिए। वे कहते हैं, "इसे बनाते रहो। बस वही फिल्म बनाओ जो तुम बनाना चाहते हो।" खासकर कॉमेडी में क्योंकि कॉमेडी का टोन बहुत खास होता है।

In the movies I've done for Sony, they've never given me quadrant specific notes ever. They say "Keep making it. Just make the movie you want to do." Especially in a comedy because comedy is so tone specific.

In the movies I've done for Sony, they've never given me quadrant specific notes ever. They say "Keep making it. Just make the movie you want to do." Especially in a comedy because comedy is so tone specific.

एकांत कारावास का बड़े पैमाने पर इस्तेमाल किया जाता रहा है, हमेशा से होता आया है। मैं 44 साल तक जेल में रहा; यह जीवन का एक सामान्य हिस्सा था - इसका चलन था। वे आपको अनुशासनात्मक कारणों से एकांत कारावास में डालते हैं, वे आपको हिंसा या किसी अन्य चीज़ से बचाने के लिए एकांत कारावास में डालते हैं, और वे सिर्फ यह दिखाने के लिए भी आपको एकांत कारावास में डालते हैं कि असली ताक़त किसके पास है... यह कोई नई बात नहीं है; यह बस ऐसी चीज़ है जिसकी परवाह अतीत में वास्तव में किसी ने नहीं की।

Solitary confinement has been used extensively, it always has. I was in prison for 44 years; it was a normal part of life - the practice of it. They put you in solitary confinement for disciplinary reasons, they put you in solitary confinement to protect you from violence or whatever, and they also put you in solitary confinement just to show you who has got the power ... It's not something new; it's just something that nobody really cared about in the past.

Solitary confinement has been used extensively, it always has. I was in prison for 44 years; it was a normal part of life - the practice of it. They put you in solitary confinement for disciplinary reasons, they put you in solitary confinement to protect you from violence or whatever, and they also put you in solitary confinement just to show you who has got the power ... It's not something new; it's just something that nobody really cared about in the past.

थॉमस जेफरसन अखबारों से सख्त नफरत करते थे, और इसके पीछे उनके पास ठोस वजहें थीं। अखबारों ने उनके बारे में ऐसी झूठी और मानहानि करने वाली बातें छापीं जो आज तक चली आ रही हैं। फिर भी, उनका यह मशहूर कथन था कि यदि उन्हें बिना अखबारों की सरकार और बिना सरकार के अखबारों में से किसी एक को चुनना पड़े, तो वे खुशी-खुशी उस देश में रहना चुनेंगे जहाँ अखबार हों (चाहे वे बहुत अच्छे न हों) और सरकार न हो।

Thomas Jefferson despised newspapers, with considerable justification. They printed libels and slanders about him that persist to the present day. Yet he famously said that if he had to choose between government without newspapers and newspapers without government, he would cheerfully choose to live in a land with newspapers (even not very good ones) and no government.

Thomas Jefferson despised newspapers, with considerable justification. They printed libels and slanders about him that persist to the present day. Yet he famously said that if he had to choose between government without newspapers and newspapers without government, he would cheerfully choose to live in a land with newspapers (even not very good ones) and no government.

एक 'अनचाही गर्भावस्था' एक खूबसूरत सरप्राइज हो सकती है, जो भले ही नियोजित न हो पर स्वागत योग्य होती है। सरकार को किसी आश्चर्यजनक लेकिन स्वागत योग्य गर्भावस्था को 'रोकने' के काम में क्यों पड़ना चाहिए?

An 'unintended pregnancy' could be a wonderful surprise, not planned but welcome. Why should the government be in the business of 'preventing' a surprising but welcome pregnancy

An 'unintended pregnancy' could be a wonderful surprise, not planned but welcome. Why should the government be in the business of 'preventing' a surprising but welcome pregnancy

बिटकॉइन किसी सरकार की मुद्रा नहीं है; यह लोगों के लिए एक वैश्विक मुद्रा है।

Bitcoin is not a currency for a government; it is a global currency for the people.

Bitcoin is not a currency for a government; it is a global currency for the people.

आज जब मैं अपनी यात्रा के पिछले दो दशकों को मुड़कर देखता हूँ, तो मुझे लगता है कि बहुत से लोग मेरे कलात्मक अभ्यास को क्रॉस-मीडिया के एक प्रयोग के रूप में देखेंगे। मैंने पिछले 20 वर्षों में वाकई कई अलग-अलग माध्यमों को आजमाया है और विभिन्न क्षेत्रों के लोगों के साथ कई तरीकों से सहयोग किया है। हालाँकि, मैं इस प्रक्रिया को उस "चुनाव के अधिकार" के खो जाने की भरपाई के रूप में देखना पसंद करता हूँ, जो मैंने कभी गंवा दिया था—यह स्वतंत्र पसंद का अभ्यास करने और उसके परिणामस्वरूप सामने आने वाले किसी भी परिणाम की जिम्मेदारी लेने जैसा है। सच कहूँ तो, यह थोड़ा सनक भरा काम लग सकता है।

When I look back on the past two decades of my journey today, I guess many people would interpret my artistic practice as a kind of cross-media attempt. I have indeed tried many different kinds of media over the past 20 years and collaborated in many different ways with people from many different fields. However, I like to understand this process as a kind of compensation for having once lost my "right of choice," an exercise of free choice and taking responsibility for any consequences that might result from it. To be honest, it's a bit of a paranoid act.

When I look back on the past two decades of my journey today, I guess many people would interpret my artistic practice as a kind of cross-media attempt. I have indeed tried many different kinds of media over the past 20 years and collaborated in many different ways with people from many different fields. However, I like to understand this process as a kind of compensation for having once lost my "right of choice," an exercise of free choice and taking responsibility for any consequences that might result from it. To be honest, it's a bit of a paranoid act.